Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Partly in response to a recent question raised by Brandon Rhodes I’ve been going through the first three books of Augustine’s City of God with the following question in mind: Does the reading of the New Testament’s outlook on its future that I have put forward both in The Coming of the Son of Man and in Re: Mission find any resonance or confirmation in Augustine’s reflections on the fall of Rome?

My basic contention has been that Jesus’ eschatological horizon is the Jewish war against Rome, that the church as it entered the pagan world extended that horizon to include the overthrow of Rome as a hubristic pagan force opposed to the God of Israel, and that we have glimpses beyond that of a third horizon consisting of a final judgment, the renewal of creation, and the final defeat of evil and death. The story of the Son of man who is to be seen coming on the clouds of heaven encompasses the first two horizons: the early community’s experience of suffering in Christ and the hope of vindication.

I must stress that I have only a very sketchy acquaintance with the writings of the church fathers, so these should be treated as uneducated notes. I also recognize that when later in the book he discusses the biblical texts that speak of future events, Augustine’s approach is rather conventional. For example, he regards the parousia that Paul describes in 1 Thessalonians 4:13-17 as part of the ‘last judgement of God’ (XX.20), not as the moment at which the suffering church is vindicated in the ancient world. So I have to admit that it is in his interpretation of recent history that Augustine supports my reading of New Testament eschatology, not in his interpretation of scripture, though the following passage illustrates a certain ambivalence in his position:

I pass over a large number of passages which seem to refer to the last judgement, but turn out to be ambiguous on careful examination, or to have more relevance to some other subject. They may refer, for example, to the coming of the Saviour in the sense that he comes throughout this present age in the person of his Church, that is in his members, part by part and little by little, since the whole Church is his body; or the reference may be to the destruction of the earthly Jerusalem. For when he speaks of that destruction he generally uses language suitable to describing the end of the world and the last great day of judgement; so that the two events cannot possibly be distinguished except by comparing the parallel statements on this subject in the three evangelists, Matthew, Mark and Luke. For one sets out certain points more obscurely, another more plainly; and this comparison is needed to make it clear where statements referring to the same subject begin. I have been at pains to follow this procedure in a letter I wrote to Hesychius of blessed memory, bishop of Salona, a letter entitled ‘On the End of the World.’ (XX.5)

1. In Re: Mission I argue that when Paul speaks in Romans 1:18-2:11 about the wrath that is coming on the Greek, he has in mind specifically the Greek-Roman world with its distinctive set of religious and moral shortcomings and expects this ‘wrath’ to take concrete historical form. Although in I.8 Augustine appears to interpret Romans 2:4-5 with reference to a ‘last judgment’, he nevertheless sees in the ‘universal catastrophe’ (I.9) of the sacking a clear instance of divine judgment on Rome because of corrupt morals:

They attribute their deliverance to their own destiny; whereas if they had any right judgement they ought rather to attribute the harsh cruelty they suffered at the hands of their enemies to the providence of God. For God’s providence constantly uses war to correct and chasten the corrupt morals of mankind…. (I.1)

He also speaks of the ‘temporal ills which are the recompense of sin’ and of those ‘whose fearful arrogance, lust, and greed, whose detestable wickedness and impiety, have caused God to give effect to his threats and warnings by bringing destruction on the earth’ (I.9). Complaining bitterly of those Romans who insulted the Christian women who had been raped by the invaders, he writes:

For in the ruin of the city it was stone and timber which fell to the ground; but in the lives of those Romans we saw the collapse not of material but of moral defences, not of material but of spiritual grandeur. (II.2)

2. Augustine applies Paul’s teaching about wealth in 1 Timothy 6:6-19 to the circumstances of the fall of Rome (I.10). Significantly Paul’s advice centres around the parousia hope: ‘keep the commandment unstained and free from reproach until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which he will display at the proper time’ (1 Tim. 6:14-15).

3. Augustine’s reference to the fact that the ‘nations in the East were bewailing your catastrophe’ and the ‘greatest cities in the farthest parts of the earth were keeping days of public grief and mourning’ sounds like a remarkable fulfilment of the John’s account of the fall of Babylon the great:

And the kings of the earth, who committed sexual immorality and lived in luxury with her, will weep and wail over her when they see the smoke of her burning. They will stand far off, in fear of her torment, and say, "Alas! Alas! You great city, you mighty city, Babylon! For in a single hour your judgment has come." (Rev. 18:9-10)

4. Christ is made explicitly the judge of morally depraved Rome (cf. Acts 17; Rom. 2:1-11) and the one who is at the same time establishing an alternative city:

Christ with divine authority denounces and condemns the offences of men, and their perverted lusts and he gradually withdraws his family from all parts of the world which is failing and declining through those evils, so that he may establish a city whose titles of ‘eternal’ and ‘glorious’ are not given by meaningless flattery but by the judgment of truth. (II.18)

He judges the imperial enemy of the people of God at his ‘coming’, according to the typology of Daniel 7; it is Christ who abolishes the worship of the pagan gods. But this marks not the end of the story for the church but the vindication of those who suffered faithfully and the decisive establishment of his followers as God’s alternative society.

5. Augustine speaks of salvation as the deliverance of Christians from the the corruption of pagan culture and the catastrophe of its downfall:

Men have been rescued, through the name of Christ, from the hellish yoke of those polluted powers and from a share in their condemnation; they have passed from the night of blasphemy and perdition into the daylight of salvation and true godliness. (II.28)

6. Augustine quotes from Virgil’s Aeneid in describing the Roman Christian martyrs who ‘have wrestled everywhere against hostile powers, have conquered them by the courage of their deaths, and "have won this country for us by their blood"’ (II.29). This is exactly the argument of The Coming of the Son of Man - that the victory of the early church over hostile paganism was won through faithful suffering. Significantly, echoing Paul in Romans 13:11-12, he addresses the Romans, ‘Awake! The day has come.’

I don’t want to overstate the case here, but there is at least an argument to be made that Augustine’s understanding of the sacking of Rome by Alaric just three or four years before he wrote this section of the City of God correlates rather well with the view that the eventual judgment against Rome and vindication of the suffering community of disciples formed a central element in the eschatological narrative of the New Testament.

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Andrew - a couple of comments:

i. However you or Augustine interpret it, Romans 1:18ff does not refer alone to judgement on the pagan world, but also to judgement on Israel - eg Romans 1:23, 25 / Psalm 106:20; Romans 1:24, 26, 28 / Psalm 81:12.

Part of the skill of Paul’s rhetoric here, since he is addressing Gentile and Jewish believers in Rome, is to lead the Jews on in a description of some apparently very Gentile sins (which they no doubt followed very approvingly), but then to turn on the Jews with description of some very Jewish sins 2:1-4, 17-29, having already hoisted them with their own petard in the preceding verses, so to speak.

No doubt Jewish believers who were following things closely in 1:18-32 stopped smiling sooner than less attentive Jewish believers. In the end, it is impossible to distinguish the ethnicity of one sinful person from another.

This doesn’t refute the argument that a historical judgment is in view - could be both Jerusalem and Rome - but it does modify the view that Rome is exclusively in view.

There are further reasons (within Romans 1-2) for thinking that Paul does not have a historical judgment of Rome in view - which I have mentioned in recent posts (eg the relationship between Romans 2:5 and 2:16), and a more global reason for thinking that Romans 1:18-32 refers not simply to historical Rome or Israel specifically, but to the history of mankind, in its religious descent, as contrasted with the idea of religious evolution (eg Romans 1:20-23, occuring for the Jews at Mount Sinai, but for the pagan world, in prehistory).

Being an inclusive sort of person, I opt for all these possibilities in interpreting the verses!

ii. It is interesting that Augustine takes contemporary events to signify God’s judgment on Rome. Another contemporary writer describes Alaric as "a Christian and more like a Roman" - dio Cassius LXVII, 7. Alaric was, actually, a Christian who admired Rome, and wanted to find a place within the Roman system for his people. He was at one time one of the commanders in chief of the Roman army.

At the time of Alaric’s birth, the Goths living in Dacia were a settled farming society, literate, prosperous and Christian. They had their own bible, translated into Gothic by their bishop, Ulfila (who omitted the Book of Kings, because he said it was too violent!).

The Goths were retreating from Dacia under pressure from the Huns, and had been given permission by Valens to cross the Danube into the Empire, where they were shamefully mistreated. In the violence that ensued, Valens himself was killed. Alaric entered service as a commander of the army under the Eastern (Christian) emperor Theodosius, which was sent to overthrow the Western (pagan) usurper emperor Eugenius, whom Alaric’s army defeated - the Christians hailing this as a miracle.

Alaric was appointed magister militum - head of the Roman army in Illyricum - by Eutropius, the regent of the Eastern Empire following Theodosius’s death. Alaric thus became an illustris - person of the highest rank in both the senate and the Consistory - the highest assembly of the church. As a result of turmoil in the East, in 401 AD Alaric and his army turned to the West to establish themselves. When Alaric marched to besiege Rome in 402 AD, the city was no longer even the seat of imperial (western) power - which had been removed to Ravenna many years previously.

When Alaric did eventually enter the city, following the failure of peace negotiations which would have allowed Alaric to settle in the far Danube region under terms very advantageous to the Western Emperor Honorius - Zosimus V, 54, the so-called ‘sack’ of the city was nothing of the sort. Here, the rhetoric of the Christian historians, eg Jerome - Letter to Demetriades No 30 - seems to have got the better of them. The same could be said of Augustine. Alaric gave strict orders that there should be no bloodshed - Orosius VII, 39. There were a few fires, but the city was hardly damaged. There was plundering and looting, but even here restraint was shown. When the sacred plate of the apostles Peter and Paul was produced, a procession was held, the plate held high, and a concert raised a hymn to God in public - Orosius ibid. After three days, Alaric and his forces withdrew.

So we come to Augustine’s City of God - a central argument of which was that the ‘sack’ of Rome was a glorious vindication of the Christian faith because Alaric had shown such mercy to the people - Augustine, City of God, I, 7. The city survived, and was living its old life again within a few years.

Alaric’s successor, Athaulf, married Honorius’s sister, and installed an Augustus as Emperor. Following Augustus’s murder, and the defeat of the Visigoths by the armies of Honorius, Athaulf’s successor Wallia made peace with Honorius and was granted settlement in Aquitaine, a Gothic terrirory within the Roman empire, a Christian Visigoth kingdom with its court in Toulouse.

We have to take, therefore, the idea that 410 AD was a catastrophe and judgment from God on Rome with considerable qualification. There is no doubt that there were voices at the time which saw the ‘sack’ of the city as a catastrophe. But there were other voices which saw the event in a much more moderate light, and it is therefore difficult to see the event as a fulfilment of the judgment predicted in Romans 1:18ff.

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Hi Andrew, just some clarity. So the Kingdom of God comes when Jesus reigns over his people in place of the caesar cult/roman empire. Now this should occur once Roman empire is judged and incurs God’s wrath. There is speculation that this occurred over time through certain events like you mention in a reading of Augustine’s ‘City of God’. Where does Jesus’ words in Matt28:16 fit in? (Jesus says some of them should be alive/within current generation when the kingdom comes) Assuming the disciples were 18-20yrs old in AD35, the oldest would survive to about 110AD, way before the so called coming of the Kingdom in the 2nd/3rd centuries? I might be totally missing the point but how do you interpret what Jesus is trying to say? The only significant event in their forseeable future was the destruction of Jerusalem. Thanks Ryan

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Ryan, I presume you mean Matt. 16:28!

My view is that the Son of man story about the suffering and vindication of the faithful in effect gets used twice - or from two different perspectives - within the New Testament.

It is employed first by Jesus within an eschatological horizon that reached as far as the war against Rome and judgment on Jerusalem to affirm the hope that those who followed him out of second temple Judaism on a narrow path of suffering would be vindicated. That is the horizon and event that is in view in Matt. 16:28: some of them would live to see the Son of man vindicated against apostate Israel (a key theme of Daniel 8-12).

But the Son of man story in Daniel is also a story of vindication against a pagan oppressor, and it is this aspect that comes into play once the church imaginatively and historically moves beyond the first horizon and finds itself confronted by Greek-Roman paganism and a brutal imperial regime. At this point a second eschatological horizon comes into view. So Paul tells the story for the benefit of the the Jewish-Gentile communities: the pagan oppressor will make war against them but eventually God will intervene, overthrow the oppressor, and give the kingdom to the faithful saints of the Most High.

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

My bad, yes I meant Matt16:28. Thanks Andrew, it makes sense if there are two eschatological horizons.

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Does this mean that the ‘Kingdom of God’ for Jesus was different to what Paul and others thought? I assume Jesus would have thought of the Kingdom as both the overthrow of the corrupt Jewish rule as well as the pagan rule in regards to ruling over the new Israel. Obviously I see Jesus was trying to save his people from their sins and so that was his focus but I assume he believed there was more to the coming of the Kingdom.

Thanks Ryan

Re: Augustine, Rome, and New Testament eschatology

Two ways of looking at this. On the one hand, I would argue that the whole story of the Son of man is the coming of the kingdom of God - it tells (prophetically) of the complex historical process from John the Baptist to the collapse of pagan Rome by which YHWH’s reign over his people, delegated to the Son who suffered faithfully and was vindicated, was established. Jesus and Paul (et al.) simply have different perspectives. For Jesus the urgent question was how would his followers survive the disintegration of Judaism - he has very little, if anything to say, about a subsequent judgment on Israel’s enemies. For Paul the urgent question was how would the early churches survive pagan opposition.

On the other hand, the ‘kingdom of God’ in the Gospels and Acts is thought of more in terms of a coming event than as a lasting state of affairs. At least, the focus of expectation is on the historical moment when YHWH will act decisively to judge rebellious Israel or to forgive his people or to deliver them from their enemies. The coming of the kingdom of God is when God comes to reign, when he acts as king on behalf of his people. So it seems quite natural for different incidents in the overall story to be highlighted as signalling the coming of God’s reign over his people on earth as in heaven.

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